Priscilla Mary Işın
Cuisines are mirrors reflecting the history of a society in all its aspects, whether cultural, spiritual, economic or political. At the same time every contact and interchange with other societies imprints a culinary mark. In this respect the Turkish cuisine is a mirror of particular diversity, since over the past two thousand years of their history the Turks have spread westwards from their homeland in northeastern Asia into Anatolia and Europe, bringing them into contact with peoples across both continents and forging affinities with foodways as far apart as China and Austria. Moreover through trade and other indirect contacts Turkish cuisine has both influenced and been influenced by countries with which it never shared a frontier.
From East to West
Turkish cuisine is rooted in a pastoral diet of meat and dairy foods, but at an early stage depended heavily on grain crops. The eleventh century Turkish dictionary Divanü Lûgat-it-Türk by Mahmud of Kashgar, a scholar and linguist from the Karakhanid state in Central Asia, lists native Turkish words for sowing, the plough, grains, and many grain foods, including noodles, breads and pastries. Charles Perry, scholar of Near Eastern languages and food historian, comments that the presence of these words in non-Turkish languages attests to the influence of Turkish grain cookery as far afield as Hungary and North Africa. Mahmud relates an ancient Turkish legend regarding the noodle dish tutmaç, which is still made in some regions of Turkey today, and although the legend is probably not grounded in fact, it does serve as a reminder that links between Europe and Asia are nothing new: Turkish mercenaries fighting for Alexander the Great became weary of war and desired to go back home, asking Alexander to allow them a last meal before setting off on their long journey, with the words ‘Bizi tutma aç’ (Let us not go hungry). The dish prepared for them thus became known as tutmaç.
A 14th century dietary manual thought to have been written by an Uighur Turk and presented to the Mongol emperor of China reflects the mosaic of not only Turkic, Mongolian and Chinese foodways, but those of the western Asian Muslim world. The wide diversity of of Kubilay Khan’s court cuisine echoed that of Arab and Turkish rulers in western Asia. According to Anderson and Buell, ‘Seljuq and Mamluk Turks, like the Umayyads and Abbasids before them, although remaining true to older indigenous traditions, encouraged the development of cosmopolitan court cultures. They included uniform traditions of cuisine which the Turks spread throughout the Middle East.
Tradition and Innovation
The Turks who migrated into Anatolia in the 11th century brought with them such ancient staples of Turkish cuisine as yogurt and paper thin pastry. When the Frenchman Broquière travelled with a caravan across Turkey from Antakya to Edirne, then the Ottoman capital, in 1432, he was offered these foods at a Turcoman encampment:
‘We halted among them; they placed before us one of the table-cloths before-mentioned, in which there remained fragments of bread, cheese, and grapes. They then brought us a dozen of thin cakes of bread, with a large jug of curdled milk, called by them yogurt. The cakes are a foot broad, round, and thinner than wafers; they fold them up as grocers do their papers for spices, and eat them filled with the curdled milk.
Intersection
As the Ottomans advanced westwards they continued the work of spreading plants and foodways into Europe via the Balkans, as the Arabs had done earlier via Spain. The Hungarian historian Sandor Takats (1860-1932) describes how in the 16th century the Turks introduced many varieties of fruit, flowers and herbs into Hungary, cultivating vegetable gardens and orchards wherever they settled. After the recapture of the Hungarian town of Fülek, the Turkish gardens were found to be so numerous that even after distributing one to each soldier many still remained unclaimed. As a result Hungary became the intermediary for the introduction of many new varieties of fruit and flowers into western Europe.
During this period new foods discovered in America began to make an impact on the cuisines of the Old World. Some of these made their way directly from Spain into Ottoman Turkey, before they found their way to the rest of Europe. Historian Bert Fragner writes, ‘Tomatoes, sunflowers, Indian corn, paprikas and chillis, not forgetting the amazing turkey, found their way within an astonishingly short time via Spain straight to the areas of the Ottoman Empire along the eastern Mediterranean shores, arriving in Italy only some decades later.’
The way a Mexican bird came to be known throughout the English-speaking world as the ‘turkey’ is indeed amazing. The Spanish were naturally aware of the origin of this American bird, calling it Indian chicken, a name that the Ottomans adopted in Turkish translation and passed on to the Austrians who abbreviated the name to ‘Indian’. However, by the time the strange new bird appeared in England no memory of its American origin attached to it. Instead it had acquired an association with Turkey, long a source of exotics and an important English trading partner. So in English the bird became known as the Turkey cock. Abbreviated to turkey, the name, and possibly European descendants of the bird itself, were carried back across the Atlantic. America’s most celebrated native bird is thus named after Turkey, in an indelible tribute to the role played by this country in western culinary culture.
In these days of mass communications it is hard to imagine such confusion over origin, but in the past it was frequently the case that commodities were thought to come from places that were merely intermediaries in their trade or dissemination. Thus sweet oranges are still known as portakal (i.e. ‘Portugal’) in Turkey, since it was via Portugal that this species of orange spread to Turkey. Similarly maize is known in Turkish as mısır (‘Egypt’), while in English this grain was known as Turkish wheat until the 19th century, in French as blé de Turquie and by equivalent designations in Germany, Holland, Russia, and Italy. The botanist Ruellius first cited the name Frumentum turcicum in 1536. The supposed Turkish origin of maize was therefore entrenched within a few decades of the arrival of maize from America, and it was via Ottoman lands that this American plant spread into most of Europe. The beans found in America were called ‘Turkish beans’ by the first Dutch and Swedish writers on America’, since Turkey and the Middle East were a source of many varieties of beans, which featured largely in the cookery of the region.
The Ottoman Empire, with its own fertile lands and wide trading links with China, India, Africa and Europe, was a source of spices and foods commonplace in supermarkets everywhere today, but which just a few centuries ago were exotic luxuries. As late as 1676 dried figs were still such a rarity in England that even the king could not obtain enough for his needs. Charles II commanded Sir John Finch, ambassador to the court of Sultan Mehmed IV, to secure a regular supply of this fruit, and as a result of negotiations in Istanbul it was stipulated in a trade agreement between England and Turkey that two shiploads of figs should be allowed to be exported annually from Izmir for the use of the king’s kitchen.
Examples of Ottoman culinary influence on western cuisine abound. Pastrami, the Turkish pastırma (cured pressed beef whose name means ‘causing to be pressed’), found its way into western cuisine, as did salep, a hot drink made from orchid root, that was once widely sold on the streets of French and English cities. Puff pastry, which originated in Iran and early became a feature of Arab cuisine, was carried on the one hand by the Arabs into Spain and several centuries later reintroduced by the Turks via Vienna, where it was transformed into croissants and Danish pastries. The paper thin rolled pastry which was an ancient characteristic of Turkish cuisine and had been observed by Broquière in the 15th century became the strudel pastry of central Europe. This pastry was the basis of countless savoury and sweet Turkish dishes, of which baklava was the jewel in the crown. Making baklavaso delicate that a coin dropped from a height would penetrate the eighty or so diaphanous layers to strike the tray beneath was one of the tests Turkish cooks had to pass to be promoted to master’s rank.
An Institution is Born
Coffee is probably the most renowned of all Turkish influences. Coffee drinking began with the Arabs, passed to the Turks, and the first coffee house opened in Istanbul in 1553. The offering of coffee to guests took on a ritual significance in Turkish etiquette, and among the upper classes complex formalities attended its serving in porcelain cups and richly jewelled holders. One of the earliest European travellers to Turkey to mention coffee was George Sandys, who around 1610 wrote:
‘Although they be destitute of Taverns, yet have they their Coffa-houses, which something resembles them. There sit they chatting most of the day, and sip of a drink called Coffa (of the berry that it is made of) in little China dishes: as hot as they can suffer it: black as soot, and tasting not much unlike it.’
These first unfavourable impressions of coffee quickly changed. The Dutch first shipped coffee beans to Europe in 1637, and the first coffee house in England was opened in Oxford in 1650 by a Turkish Jew named Jacob. According to a probably apocryphal story, the Viennese caught the coffee drinking habit later in 1683, when the retreating Turkish army left sacks of coffee beans behind after the siege of Vienna. Although coffee had been known in France earlier, its rise to the height of fashion at the court of Versailles dates from the Turkish ambassador Süleyman Ağa’s visit to Paris in 1688-1689. He introduced his French guests to coffee drinking in the magnificent style of the Turkish court, servants on bended knee presenting them with coffee in cups of egg-shell porcelain in holders of gold and silver, set on embroidered silk doylies fringed with gold. So fashionable did it become that in the 18th century Louis XV liked to brew his own coffee, and a portrait of his mistress Mme de Pompadour depicts her in Turkish costume sipping coffee and holding a Turkish pipe. Just as the hamam or Turkish bath became fashionable in London, where they were known as hummums, so did the Turkish style coffee house. These became a lasting social institution, evolving into the clubs for English gentlemen.
Strange twists of fate have carried Turkish dishes in unexpected directions. When King Charles XII of Sweden was defeated by Peter the Great in 1709, he fled to Turkey hoping to persuade the sultan to lend him military support against Russia. These hopes did not materialise, but meanwhile he and a large retinue remained in exile in Turkey until 1714. During these five years the king ran up such huge debts that he was followed home to Sweden by his Turkish creditors, along with their cooks, and remained there until 1732. The result was dolmades, the Swedish version of Turkish stuffed vegetables known as dolma.
Sweet Symbolism
Confectionery was an area in which East had influenced West for many centuries. Sweetmeats and sweet pastries played an important symbolic role in Turkish social life, representing goodwill and happiness at ceremonies on special occasions like marriage and births, and at religious festivals. The three day feast following Ramazan is known in Turkey as the Sugar Feast, and every family gets in a supply of boiled sweets, Turkish delight, sugared almonds and other sweetmeats to offer guests. During Ottoman times Istanbul was the empire’s confectionery centre, where the art continued to evolve new variations on old themes, the example par excellence being Turkish delight (rahatü’l-hulkum) that developed in the 18th century from the starch pudding pelte. Sweetmeats that found their way from Turkey to Europe during the Ottoman period include sherbet candy (sert şerbet) and fondant (lohuk or çevirme). Fondant was the first soft sugar confection known in Europe, introduced in the mid-19th century by Friedrich Unger, chief confectioner to King Otto I of Greece, who travelled to Istanbul to study Turkish confectionery in 1835. Unlike Turkish delight, fondant was simple to make. ‘The reader will find,’ explains Unger in his book on oriental confectionery published in 1837, ‘that when he understands some of the preparations, he will be able to make all kinds of lohuk scherbet with the greatest of ease.’ This was quite true, and within two decades fondant was all the rage in France and had soon spread to England. Turkish delight, on the other hand, consistently foiled European attempts at imitatation. In 1903 the French artist Pretextat-Lecomte observed that while the ingredients of Turkish delight were simple, the technical skill involved proved an insurmountable obstacle.
Meanwhile the Turks enjoyed the confectionery specialities of Europe, particularly Italy. In the mid-17th century the Turkish writer Evliya Çelebi mentions European confectioners’ shops in Istanbul, and exports of sweetmeats from Venice are recorded in the 18th century. In the early 19th century Italian and Swiss settlers were producing candied fruits in the district of Galata.
Looking West
Western cultural influences on Ottoman Turkey began to make an increasingly strong impact during the 18th century, first in the area of garden landscaping, architecture and the decorative arts, followed later by music and cuisine. Macaroni was being imported from Italy by 1780. Pasta itself was not a stranger to traditional Turkish cuisine, which had its own diverse range of noodles, but the mass production of macaroni in Italy turned it into a trade commodity. In the 1830s the Ottoman government set up its own macaroni factory to supply the army, the machinery presumably being imported from Italy. This factory was located in Istanbul at Selimiye Barracks, where Florence Nightingale ran the British Hospital during the Crimean War.
Westernisation of Turkish eating habits was at first manifested in the outward trappings of the table. European travellers to Turkey had always had trouble with sitting with their legs tucked under them, this unaccustomed posture giving them cramp. Offering a chair to European dignities as a gesture of politeness at state ceremonies, though not yet at table, is recorded as far back as the 17th century. European style dining tables, chairs and cutlery began to appear in the latter half of the 18th century, as the adoption of European manners became fashionable among the wealthier classes. An early account by the Frenchman Baron de Tott describes a meal with an Ottoman Greek family some time before 1780:
‘We sat down to dinner, which was served up after the French manner, on a circuar table, with chairs set round it, spoons, forks etc and nothing wanting but to know how to make use of all these things. They seemed nevertheless to be desirous not to omit any of our customs, which begin to be in the same vogue among the Greeks, which those of the English are with us: and I have seen a woman, at dinner, take olives up with her fingers, and afterwards put them on a fork, to eat them after the French fashion.’
Several decades on it was still the appurtenances of the table rather than the food that marked the host’s inclination for western fashions. In 1831 the American naval physician Commodore de Kay was invited to dinner with the Ottoman naval commander of the port, and ‘found the dinner served up in as handsome style as it has ever been our lot to witness in Europe or America. The knives, forks, and plates were of English manufacture, and of the most costly kind.’ In 1836 Julia Pardoe attended a dinner at the house of Ömer Pasha, governor of Skodra, that was ‘perfectly European in its arrangement, being accompanied by silver forks, knives, and chairs; but the luxury of the East had, nevertheless, its part in the banquet, for the cloth that covered the table was enriched with a deep border of exquisite needlework, and the napkins of muslin, almost as impalpable as a cobweb, were richly embroidered in gold.’
French table arrangement became so de rigeur for formal dinners at which foreigners were present, that by the time George Howard Earl of Carlisle visited Turkey in 1853 it had become difficult for foreigners eager to experience ‘real’ Turkish life to find anyone willing to indulge them. Only through his acquaintance with Dr Sandwith, who had lived in Turkey for many years and was on familiar terms with many Turkish dignitaries, was the earl able to obtain an invitation to a Turkish dinner given by Ismail Pasha, physician to Sultan Abdülmecid. Dr. Sandwith told Howard that ‘even I did dine at any great repast given by some Turkish Pasha or minister, I should probably only find a reproduction of European customs, knives and forks, etc.; so he undertook to show me a genuine Turkish house and dinner.’ Howard had the usual difficulty with his legs, but otherwise enjoyed the occasion:
‘Our host talked some French; the rest nothing but Turkish, in which Dr. Sandwith is very fluent. All sat down on low cushions upon their legs: this I could not quite effect, but managed to stow mine under the small low round table. Upon this was placed a brass or copper salver, and upon this again the dishes of food in very quick and most copious succession… I must say that I thought the fare itself very good, consisting in large proportion of vegetables, pastry, and condiments, but exhibiting a degree of resource and variety not unworthy of study by the unadventurous cookery of Britain.’
La Baronne Durand de Fontmagne’s account of lunch given at Topkapı Palace in 1856 for the French ambassador and other foreign guests is an unusual example of an official meal for foreign guests that was entirely Turkish in both eating arrangements and dishes. Whether this meal was given in response to the curiosity of the foreign guests to experience a real Ottoman style meal, or out of a desire on the part of their hosts to acquaint them with Ottoman haute cuisine is a matter for speculation. The meal was served in a marquee in the gardens:
‘They placed two tiny round single?legged tables on the carpet, and on this a large tray, slightly embossed in the centre. On this raised part the food was placed for serving. At first there was nothing but several varieties of hors d’oeuvre and fruit. No one brought plates, bowls, glasses or jugs. There were only large spoons for soup. We all sat on soft cushions in the Turkish fashion… First they distributed gold embroidered napkins to us, a span in width, which covered the right shoulder. Then the food began to arrive. They were of great variety but little in quantity. As fast as they came, they were taken away. We barely had time to dip the tip of our spoons in them. Holding a piece of bread between our thumb and forefinger, we took stuffed vineleaves onto our spoons. The Turkish method of cooking is most unusual.’
European cookery, French in particular, began to appear alongside Turkish in the 1840s, when Countess Ida Hahn-Hahn of Germany ate a lunch that began with European dishes and were followed by a succession of Turkish ones at the home of foreign minister Rıfat Paşa. ‘There was on the whole a curious medley of foreign and domestic manners, customs, and dishes,’ she remarked. A state banquet given at Dolmabahçe Palace for the French and British ambassadors during the Crimean War a decade later, however, was not only in ‘the French and English fashion of a grand dinner,’ but was served by European waiters.
Impressions of a French Chef
Alexis Soyer, the celebrated French chef who spent two years in Turkey assisting Florence Nightingale to improve the diet of British troops during the Crimean War, took full advantage of this opportunity to study Turkish cuisine. He was soon so enamoured of Turkish cookery that he wrote in a letter to The Times in September 1856:
‘Though so many authors have written upon Turkey, they have yet left me several virgin pages, and those pages are upon the national cookery of the Moslem people. They have many dishes which are indeed worthy of the table of the greatest epicure, and I shall not consider my Oriental mission terminated to my satisfaction till I see in the bills of fare of France and England their purée de volaille au ris, tomates, et concombres, and purée de Bahmia aromatisée à la crème… near our whitebait, red mullets, turbot, and salmon, their fried sardines, bar fish, gurnet, sturgeon, red mullets aux herbes, oyster pilaff, mackerel, salad, etc; and with our roast beef, saddle-back of mutton, and haunch of venison, their sheep, lamb, or kid roasted whole, and the monster and delicious kebab; by our entrées of suprême de volaille, salmis, and vol-aux-vents, their doulmas, kioftee, shish kebabs, haharram bouton, pilaff au cailles, etc; with our vegetables, their Bahmia, fried leeks and celery, partligan bastici, and sakath kabac bastici; with our macédoines, jellies, charlottes, etc, their lokounds, moukahalibi, baclava gyneristi, ekmekataive. Their coffee, iced milk, and sherbet – in fact, all their principle dishes might, with the best advantage, be adopted and Frenchified and Anglicised.’
In his Culinary Campaign, Soyer wrote enthusiastically, ‘The process of the Turkish cookery, though slow, I much approve of, as the succulence and aroma of every kind of food are retained, and it is far superior to our system, everything being cooked or stewed on the top of red-hot ashes laid on slabs of stone or marble.’ As a result of these favourable impressions Soyer resolved to write a book to be called The Culinary Wonder of All Nations, that was to include further details of Turkish cuisine. Sadly however he died in 1858 and all his notes were destroyed by his creditors.
In 1862 a Turkish banquet was held in England, possibly for the first time. It was given by Viceroy of Egypt Mehmed Sa’id Pasha on his yacht at Woolwich, and his guests included British royalty and distinguished statesmen. So favourable was the impression made that Turabi Efendi, one of the viceroy’s officials, was encouraged to compile a Turkish cookery book in English. Although his book was sufficiently well received to go into a second edition, it does not seem to have left any lasting impression on English cookery.
European Flavours
Back in Turkey urban upper class eating was becoming increasingly influenced by France. In 1862 Ottoman Minister of Education Mısırlı Fazıl Mustafa Paşa employed 45 French cooks as well as the same number of Turkish male cooks, yet it was one of the women cooks in the harem kitchen whose food was most renowned amongst his friends and acquaintances.
In 1883 the British Ambassador Lord Dufferin and his wife were surprised to find plum pudding on the menu of a banquet at Yıldız Palace given by Sultan Abdülhamid II. Apart from this gesture to honour the sultan’s English guests, the menu was entirely Turkish, but this was exceptional for a banquet of the period. More usual was the banquet given by Sultan Abdülhamid II for the British ambassador in 1894, when the menu was entirely French apart from börek and pilaf. According to Abdülhamid’s daughter this sultan’s favourite dishes at his own table included cotelette pané and charlotte, revealing that European influence on palace cuisine was not reserved for honouring foreign guests.
As the 19th century wore on, French food and Paris fashions became status symbols of ever-increasing prestige. Ev Kadını (The Housewife), a Turkish cookery book published in 1882, contains such recipes as savarin, biscuits, peas French style, macaroni Italian style, and even imitation champagne, while five diagrams explain how to lay a table in the French manner. Cookery books that followed in the late 19th and early 20th century contained an increasing proportion of French recipes and culinary terms.
On the one hand the idea in fashionable circles that French food was the epitomy of modern culinary sophistication and Turkish food outmoded, and on the other the economic and political upheavals that beset Ottoman Turkey in the first quarter of the 20th century, both dealt Turkish haute cuisine serious blows from which it is still recovering. The kitchens of the wealthy upper classes, manned by the most accomplished and inventive cooks and supplied with the finest ingredients, had been repositories of the culinary knowledge and skills of haute cuisine, serving as educational institutions where these were passed on from master to apprentice. In the reversal of fortunes that affected so many families during these years, however, many cooks found themselves out of work or drafted into the army. Even the palace kitchens were severely affected. When Sultan Abdülhamid II was deposed in 1909, the staff of Yıldız Palace was largely dispersed, and his successor Sultan Mehmed V Reşad’s new establishment at Dolmabahçe Palace was on a far more modest scale, and its kitchens obliged to comply with strict economies.
Today
Turkish cuisine today is riding a wave of rediscovery and reappraisal by the Turks themselves as well as foreigners. Former splendours of Ottoman court cookery are being revived, and the home cooking that never went out of fashion has regained lost prestige. Interest in provincial specialities has spawned a new generation of urban restaurants featuring all kinds of dishes unknown outside their native towns and cities until recently. Surprisingly the impact of the much maligned MacDonald’s hamburger chain, which took Turkey and so many other countries by storm in the 1980s, has been to boost rather than undermine traditional Turkish fast food. Encouraged by MacDonald’s success, food establishments at the cheap end of the Turkish market that traditionally sold a huge range of snacks and ready cooked dishes, woke up to the realisation that they could do just as well or better with a bit of refurbishment and a new image. In this way the famous pudding shops of Istanbul, once on the verge of dying out, have now made a comeback in almost every district of the city, and their customers are wondering how they ever lived without them.
Every country’s cuisine is a mirror of its sense of taste refined over the centuries, reflecting relations between people in daily life and on special occasions, and society’s spiritual and cultural values. It might not even be an exaggeration to claim that a country’s cuisine is its most precious heritage.
Suggested Reading
Algar, Ayla Esen, The Complete Book of Turkish Cooking, Kegan Paul, 1995
Başan, Ghillie, The Middle Eastern Kitchen, Kyle Cathie, 2001
Buell, Paul D. and Anderson, Eugene, N., A Soup for the Qan, Kegan Paul, 2000
Halıcı, Nevin, From “Sini” to the Tray, Usaş, 1999
Işın, Priscilla Mary, ed., A King’s Confectioner in the Orient, Kegan Paul, 2003
Kaneva-Johnson, Maria, The Melting Pot: Balkan Food and Cookery, Prospect Books, 1996
Kortepeter, Carl Max, The Ottoman Turks: Nomad Kingdom to World Empire, Isis Press, Istanbul 1991
Mason, Laura, Sugar-Plums and Sherbet, Prospect Books, 1998
Oberling, Gerry and Smith, Grace Martin, Food Culture of the Ottoman Palace, Turkish Ministry of Culture, 2001
Orga, İrfan, Turkish Cooking, André Deutsch, 1958
Pekin, Ersu and Sümer, Ayşe, eds., Timeless Tastes, Vehbi Koç Vakfı, 1996
Perry, Charles, Rodinson, Maxime and Arberry, A. J., Mediaeval Arab Cookery, Prospect Books
Roden, Claudia, A New Book of Middle Eastern Food, Penguin, 1985
Soyer, Alexis, A Culinary Campaign, Southover Press, 1995
Strong, Roy, Feast: A History of Grand Eating, Jonathan Cape, 2002
Tannahill, Reay, Food in History, Penguin, 1988
Zubaida, Sami and Richard Tapper, eds., Culinary Cultures of the Middle East, 1994